AI is the new foreign aid - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
FT商学院

AI is the new foreign aid

Across the global south, tech companies are already doing some of the work that humanitarian agencies once dominated

Characters from Somanasi’s AI tutor in Kenya

The writer is a global risk futurist at NYU and leads AI policy research at The Digital Economist think-tank

Traditional foreign aid is losing steam. Budget constraints, donor fatigue and nationalist politics have eroded the once-dominant western development model. But as governments pull back, a new actor has stepped in. Artificial intelligence is being deployed with a speed and reach that traditional organisations struggle to match. Code — not cash — is the new foreign aid.

Across the global south, AI is already doing some of the work that aid agencies once dominated. Ubenwa’s neonatal diagnostic app in Nigeria, Somanasi’s AI tutor in Kenya and Hello Tractor’s AI-enabled fleet management for small farmers are delivering essential services where public institutions are overstretched or absent.

Who is delivering this AI-powered development? It’s not the World Bank or USAID. Instead, tech companies like OpenAI, Google, Microsoft and Nvidia, alongside local civic-tech innovators, are stepping forward.

Consider what has already been rolled out. In the past year OpenAI has partnered with a primary care provider in Kenya to support local AI development in healthcare. In South Africa, billionaire Strive Masiyiwa worked with Nvidia to launch the continent’s first “AI factory” — a Johannesburg-based hub designed to train local talent and build regionally relevant models. In Kenya and Ghana, Google is investing in AI research centres. These projects are not labelled as foreign aid, but they’re delivering infrastructure, skills, and tools in exactly the areas where traditional donors have pulled back.

This work isn’t altruism, it’s strategy. The Trump administration’s recently released AI Action Plan makes the point explicit: AI is now a core pillar of foreign policy. The plan outlines a bold objective — exporting “the full AI stack” (from chips to models to standards) to build alliances, spread American values and counter Chinese influence in emerging markets.

But those values are not always clear — or universally shared. Alongside the push to expand access to “responsible AI,” US policymakers are backing efforts to remove what some see as “woke” elements from AI models — curbing progressive language on race, gender and history.

It is also worth distinguishing between tech companies that operate as agents of government strategy and those who act independently. While Chinese firms often align closely with state-backed development goals, many western AI companies follow commercial incentives — yet their actions can still serve national interests by entrenching influence, standards and dependencies abroad, whether intentionally or not.

This raises important questions. What norms and political assumptions are being embedded in the AI models that are exported? And will AI-as-aid replicate old dependencies in a more sophisticated form?

AI development may be fast and scalable — but it is not immune to the problems that have plagued foreign aid for decades. Many of these tools depend on high energy use, commercial licences and recurring model updates — opening the door to problems with sustainability, affordability and lack of local control.

To avoid repeating past mistakes, we need a new global framework. Just as Bretton Woods reimagined aid for the postwar world, a blueprint for the AI century is required — one in which compute access, data infrastructure and open models are treated as public goods. That means supporting regional training data, funding inclusive language models and investing in local talent pipelines.

The global development sector, still reeling from post-pandemic cutbacks and crises, would do well to pay attention. Whether we are ready or not, the code diplomat has arrived.

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

美国和平计划:乌克兰可以在什么方面作出妥协?

要把这份框架松散、细节不清的协议打造成令基辅及其欧洲盟友都能接受的版本,将是一项艰巨的外交工程。

英国海军与陆军就资金分配问题发生争执

英国军队内部就如何更有效地应对来自俄罗斯的威胁爆发了争论。

莫德纳成标普500指数中被做空最多的股票

随着人们减少疫苗接种,这家新冠疫苗制造商的股价在疫情后大幅下滑。

俄政府试图将国内增值税税率上调归咎于西方

克里姆林宫下发给媒体的指导意见,要求媒体把税收上调的责任归咎于西方,避免任何对普京个人的提及。

美国缺席的G20峰会坚持为多边主义发声

G20以及COP30达成的共识表明,美国的缺席并未打击全球领导人的士气。

欧盟阵营在联合国气候大会上孤军奋战

“阻挠轴心”令气候大会无法取得进展:尽管风险迫在眉睫,中低收入国家仍不愿放弃化石燃料。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×